Activity of political parties is one of the central factors of development in democratic society and it is considered as the third element of democracy and a barometer to measure development of
political structure of countries. Taking in to account obtaining the political power of state as the main function of political parties, there is no other way for women as the half of the population,
in order to enter operational field of the politics and administration of the country, gaining their position in structure of power and reaching higher level, than to act within the framework of
political parties. Since obtaining sources of power most rely on the proper function of parties, lower levels of women participation in higher party positions can be seen as a major challenge in
political demands and discussions over power divisions.
A glance at parties’ situation in Iran and participation rate of women in active parties shows that Iranian women have a small share in party activity like other political positions. None of the
party leadership positions in Iran belongs to women while all the secretaries of the recognizedparties in Iran are men with no exception.
Democratic structures in the world have used two strategies to increase women’s political participation, one uses a legal reform solution, including the quotas for women with a positive discrimination approach in the electoral law And the other boosted the presence of women’s party by persuading parties as the main actors in power and power rotation to use more of their capacity to increase the presence of women in the electoral rolls and seats of power, and through the formation of women’s parties.
The question is, first of all, why women are so marginal in party activity in Iran, and what are the structural barriers to their work in the field of party work in order to overcome politics and enter
official policy assemblies? And second, given the widespread experience of the world in applying the mentioned strategies, what has made it impossible, despite the necessities and requirements of the Iranian society, to eliminate the weakness of women's competitive capacity, to change the legal and civil status so far? And what is the starting point to change this situation.

Within the last hundred years, political structure of Afghanistan has undergone several dramatic changes. Numerous subsequent Coup d’états and decades of wars, both civil wars and foreign invasions, put serious doubt on the effectivity or even the mere existence of any political structure in this country. To this one should add strong family and ethnical structure as a powerful tradition in the society. Therefore, the question presented by this paper is that whether among succession of various ideologies and political structures, one can find core elements of modern state in contemporary Afghanistan? This includes sustainability of political structures, dominance in territory, the existence and proper function of
permanent and impersonal organs, consensus over the necessity of the existence of an ultimate authority to take final and imperative decisions, and the recognition of loyalty to the power. The targeted time period starts by the independence of Afghanistan from British colonialism. The study covers the structural analysis of political powers in addition to the form and effectiveness of exercise of control over different parts of the country. It also studies political dialogue among major political activists and investigates their relation to traditional structure like family and tribe.

The concept of legal personality has been among the favorite concepts of legal studies. It has its roots in private law, therefore, to approach the meaning of this notion in public law, it is convenient to review the function of personality in private law. The most important actor and legal personality in Public Law is state which the concept of its legal personality is the object of this study.
The emergence of the concept of legal personality of the state can be reviewed from different points of view. Legal personality of states was of interest for Islamic philosophers and jurists. When we refer to Islamic jurisprudence texts in four prominent schools (madh'hab) of fiqh within Sunni practice and two (or three) within Shia practice and their hadith books, we do not
find an independent section under the title of legal personality and its similarities and differences with a real person.
This concept has precursors in Shia jurisprudence specially in Iran, since The Safavid dynasty. So, this study is trying to find the roots and to provide a theory of legal personality of state in Shia jurisprudence without such understanding, study of state theory in Shia is defective.